Even the incidents that muddied its image in the ‘30s –such as the assassination of a senator elect in the House- did not affect the collective perception of the Upper House as happens today.

Although this is the worst Senate crisis it does not mean Argentina is dealing with its heaviest political hurdle in history. Suffice it to recall the country’s situation in 1955 on the verge of a civil war or in 1975 when Isabel and López Rega ruled and the guerrilla was pursuing a coup through violent means, in order to understand that Argentina has undergone more serious political woes than this one.

Likewise, we are dealing with a political crisis that has not become institutional. Not for a single moment has the existence of the democratic system been at stake, as happened in the past, or institutions like Congress have been though to be eliminated.

In other words, this serious political situation has made Senate its centerpiece and is affecting two powers (Executive and Legislative) as well as the ruling and opposition parties.

The crisis emerges in a time when society has reverted the guilt in the political scenario. Fair or not, now people believe politicians are guilty until otherwise proved.

Therefore, it is not easy to find a short-term solution that lives up to the public opinion, which will keep on thinking impunity prevails as long as no senators or ministers go to jail.

But though immediate political changes are unlikely to occur and from this view, people’s skepticism and disbelieving are slated to grow in the short run, radical changes will take place in the mid term.

The fact that next year will hold the first radical Senate reshuffle through direct voting will enable political parties to renew candidates and leaders in order to show society the will to change.

Politics will be more transparent. The current Senate’s crisis reflects similar situations in some provincial legislatures and certain councils; vices that systematically affect Argentine politics.

A more renewed sort of politics, closer to people will be the mid term result of this crisis.

But in the short run the central issue will be in what conditions De la Rúa’s administration will go on ruling the three years ahead.

The President has seen his leadership falter in recent weeks due to the strong growth experienced by Alfonsín as the Radical party leader on the one hand, and Alvarez’s role in the allegations against the Senate on the other.

It won’t be easy to mend fences within the Alliance in the wake of such events.

These facts will surely have a positive impact on politics in the mid term but may now trigger complex incidents.

This crisis appears in a time when Argentine politics lacks strong leaderships in the ruling and opposition sectors.

In the Alliance Alfonsín, Álvarez and De la Rúa share the official leadership while in the PJ, the Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Cordoba governors together with Menem and Duhalde must share the opposition leadership.

New leaderships in Argentine politics are likely to rise as part of the immediate results of the crisis.