The December 16, 2001 parliamentary elections consolidated the two major political blocs in Chile. For one, the ruling coalition that scored a victory seizing 48% of ballots and 63 congressmen. The opposition Alliance for Chile obtained little more than 44% and 57 congressmen (the Lower House has 120 seats).

This shows that the difference between the two large blocs has narrowed to little over 3%. Results show that both the government and the opposition have won in terms of blocs, that is effective in both cases. The government won because it seized more votes and more representatives. The opposition also increased its number of ballots and representatives.

Based on this we can assert that the government party won but failed to obtain the country’s majority, that is to say, more than 50% of votes. It seized the majority of the Lower House but falls short of passing with its won votes qualified quorum laws, even the simplest ones.

From a general perspective, it may be argued that this is an important victory for government given the context in which elections were held: a high unemployment rate (10%) and low growth (3.5%) against the rates the country had reported in the past decade (10%).

The opposition won but failed to seize 50% of parliamentary representation to which it could aspire on the basis of the existing binominal system. For another thing, while votes significantly increased in big cities, especially the Metropolitan Region, it did not seize majority in the Senate either.

While from the perspective of the big blocs both can say they won, taking a closer look at the electoral outcome we see different situations. First, it is important to underscore the progress and victory of the UDI -Independent Democratic Union. This is the country’s major political party with a record close to 25%, representing an increase in the number of votes that almost doubles the results obtained in 1997. In turn, with a consolidated leadership and undisputed leader -presidential candidate- this party has increased the number of ballots in the big cities.

At the same time, it may be pointed that the Christian Democracy was the major loser of the election. This party saw its votes drop to almost 19%, accounting for a 4 point decline since 1997 in the previous parliamentary election. The major problem for Christian Democracy is that the votes reduction was seen in the loss of 14 congressmen. This has a huge impact on the fact that it has been since 1965 the country’s leading political party. However, the Christian Democracy remains as the leading party in the ruling coalition and one of the most important parties in Chile.

National Renewal (RN) was also defeated while it did not drop the number of ballots significantly. Even from the point of view of representatives, it seized a good result. The way in which the campaign was carried out, the funds allocated to it and the relationship with the major party of the opposition bloc -UDI- make National Renewal voice a strong resentment toward the ‘hegemonic policies of the UDI’ especially for the sort of humilliation to which the UDI subjects its major leader and president Sebastián Piñera.

However, the most significant aspect along this process has been the fact that those who marginalized themselves represent the country’s majority. Some 40.59% of those eligible to vote did not cast ballots. Unregistered voters exceeded 20% among people over 18.

This means we are facing a system of representation generated by a binominal system that is blocked and may cause important complications in the governance of the political system. Moreover, the governance ability may be quite affected if from different sectors some government erosion and even failure is sought as a way to strengthen future options. Seeking the country’s ‘argentinization’ could have serious consequences in the short-term.

Hence President Lagos’ administration sought to put the political agenda in order enphasizing the social agenda. A few days after the elections, the government called all parties with parliamentary representation to analyze the agenda government will submit to Parliament that spells out the major areas in the social, economic and political fields.

Reform the capital market. Increase in credit loans for Small and Mid-sized Enterprises.

Settle free trade agreements with the United States and Europe.

Reduce the unemployment seasonability with up to 150,000 jobs created with people’s support.

Foster investments and protection of users’ rights in the power, sanitation, telecommunications and fishing sectors.

Streamline 120 central administration procedures and 50 municipal procedures.

Foster the health reform

Enlarge higher education access and quality through scholarships.

Step up the fight against drugs.

Not to discrimination: Aboriginal Growth

Greater housing access to lower-income groups.

The debate in parliament in the period that begins March 11, 2002 until March 11, 2006 will find it hard to put discipline and order in parliaments. These will seek to achieve greater autonomy and within a framework of a system that marks a numeric tie and difficulties to reach consensus with qualified quorum laws, it will make it hard to rule unless national long-term policies are concerted.

From the perspective of parliamentary renewal, only one third of members enters for the first time. Another important aspect is that the female share in Congress has increased to 15 the number of congresswomen.